Hamer community prepare for a dance in their village, Omo Valley, Ethiopia (Photo: Dietmar Temps) The Haratin people account for 40-45% of the total population of Mauritania, but are mostly slaves.
THE
Tanzanian government recently issued a public statement refuting claims
that there were plans to evict members of the Maasai community from
their ancestral land in the name of hunting, as was reported widely by
local and international media. However, this would not have been the
first time that a similar thing came to pass in the East African
nation.
Since 1992, the Ortello Business Corporation - a hunting
tourism company from the United Arab Emirates - has flown in wealthy
clients to shoot lions and leopards to the detriment of nomadic Maasai
cattle herders who are blocked from using pastures in the hunting
grounds. The land was allocated to OBC in 1993 under controversial
circumstances involving the minister of tourism, Abubaker Yusuf Mgumia,
and became known as “Loliondogate.”
Mgumia allegedly leased
the entire Loliondo Game Controlled Area at Ngorongoro to an
army brigadier from the United Arab Emirates as a private hunting
ground.
In 2009, the Tanzanian government then went on to introduce a new law
completely outlawing farming and herding in a 1,500sq km stretch of the
Game Controlled Area.
The same company, OBC, is the one named in
the recent accusations against the Tanzanian government in which
a proposed 4,000sq km stretch of land on the edge of the Serengeti
National Park would be created as a “wildlife corridor”, serving the
hunting company and evicting 40,000 Maasai pastoralists, directly or indirectly affecting the livelihoods of 80,000 people.
Unhappy history
The
Maasai have had an unhappy history of losing their land in Tanzania
since the British moved them from the Serengeti in 1959, but provided
them living space in the Ngorongoro highlands. This has continued under
nationalist governments.
The hunting industry has grown
considerably in the last two decades and Tanzania is now one of the
leading hunting destinations in the world - trophy hunting generated roughly $75 million for Tanzania’s economy from 2008 to 2011.
Threats
which affect marginalised African communities, the “small people”, in
the name of development or the economy are commonplace across the
continent. This is particularly true of indigenous communities who
depend on their natural environments for all of their economic
activities, and “minor” communities who lack the voice to protest
against government abuses.
Though the
majority of communities that have been sidelined in the name of
development will be those found in rural areas, this is certainly not
always the case.
In the heart of Nairobi
In
Kenya a struggle over land is happening in the heart of the capital,
Nairobi, between the Nubian population and the government. The Nubians,
approximately 100,000 strong, are
one of the oldest communities in the country having entered Kenya as
early as 1884, brought by the British from Sudan to help secure
colonial rule in Kenya.
Unable to return home they settled in
various parts of Kenya after their service. One of these areas is
“Kibra” or Kibera as it is more famously known - a former military
exercise ground where the East Africa Protectorate army administration
allowed its Nubian ex-soldiers and their families to settle. Today it
is a sprawling slum with hundreds of thousands of people packed in an
area of 550 acres, and where the descendants of these ex-soldiers
form only a small minority.
But with no recognition as
an ethnic group until recently with the 2010 constitution, and because
their claim to land in Kibera has been contested by successive
governments, they are unable to claim or own any of the original 4,197
acres legally given to them as community land. Despite promises that the
Kenyan Nubians would be given 288 acres, this still has not happened.
The
added pressure of house demolitions to make way for road construction
in the slum has made the situation particularly desperate for the
Nubians.
The Omo Valley people
Meanwhile
in Ethiopia, Omo Valley communities, such as the Mursi and Dasanech
groups, are encountering growing threats to their livelihoods. As it
stands frequent droughts, national parks with fences and cultivation
already threaten their natural resources. But the largest threat is
coming from the construction of a massive hydroelectric dam, known as
the Gilgel Gibe III Dam, and associated land grabs for plantations,
in the Lower Omo River.
The objective of the project
is to enhance the hydropower generation capacity of the country through
developing a plant with a capacity of 1870 MW and with an annual energy
production of 6,500 GWh. This in turn is expected to raise the present
800 MW installed capacity of the country by 234%. The dam will also make
large-scale irrigation in the Lower basin possible by controlling the
flow of the Omo River.
This however will
impact on the Omo river’s annual flood, which the communities depend
on to support riverbank cultivation and grazing lands for
livestock. Furthermore, Ethiopia’s policy of “villagisation” is forcing
the relocation of approximately 260,000 local people from 17 different
ethnic groups who live in the Lower Omo to make way for vast
plantations. This process was enforced by the military, and numerous
reports of killings, beating, rapes, and
imprisonment of local people were made public by a recent report, “Ignoring abuse in Ethiopia: DFID and USAID in the Lower Omo Valley” by the Oakland
Institute. Rights groups
reported that many villagers in the area had been removed to provide up
to 375,000 hectares in South Oromo for proposed sugar and cotton
plantations.
Ethiopia has ambitions to become one of the world’s
10 biggest exporters of sugar, but advocacy groups believe that these
economic ambitions spell “ecological collapse and hunger for the 500,000
indigenous people” in the area.
The Twa people
The
Twa people of Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC) are facing similar challenges in terms of eviction. For the past
30 years Twa communities in Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Congo have been expelled from their forest lands to
make way for conservation and agricultural projects.
Today these
groups continue
to live near the margins of their forests but with very few
resources. In DRC for example the Twa of the Kahuzi-Biega National Park
were evicted from traditional territories in the name of
wildlife conservation - this despite the fact that
these (originally) hunter-gatherers were widely recognised as the
descendants of the first inhabitants of the forests of eastern Congo.
The Kahuzi-Biega
National Park is a vast area of primary tropical forest dominated by
two volcanoes, “Kahuzi” and “Biega”, the park is also home to one of the
last groups of
eastern lowland gorillas - consisting of only some 250 individuals.
But the park does not seem to be solely used for the conservation of
its spectacular flora and fauna. The main area where the metallic
ore Coltan is mined contains the Kahuzi-Biega National Park and there
are reports
that the DRC used the space inside the national park to mine more
Coltan. Coltan, found mainly in the eastern regions of the
DRC, is a vital component in the
capacitors that control current flow in cell phone circuit boards. As a
result of the technology boom, at one point the price of Coltan was as
high as $600 per kilogram.
The
extraction of resources in the DRC has also impacted greatly on the
lives of the Mbuti people, or Bambuti, people. Deforestation,
gold mining, a hunting ban and modern agriculture has all become a
threat to their food supply. A lack of legal protection combined with
no formally established and recognised boundaries means that there can
be a continued appropriation of their lands by both logging companies
and conservation projects. In 2002, the government established a “Forest Code”, with 40% being zoned for commercial exploitation and 15% zoned for conservation. The remaining
45% is available for concessions. Bambuti tenure was not included in the code.
Botswana’s San community
For
the San “Bushmen” of Botswana, even though they won a landmark case in
2006 against the government which allowed them the right to return to
their ancestral land after they were forcibly evicted, they are banned
from hunting, and forced to apply for permits to enter their land.
This
is because the San’s ancestral home is the Central Kalahari Game
Reserve - the second largest wildlife reserve in the world and the richest diamond-producing
area in the world. The Gope mine, opened in September this year in the
reserve, is said to contain a diamond deposit worth an estimated $4
billion.
Diamonds were discovered in the reserve in the early
1980s and even though the San are the oldest inhabitants of southern
Africa, where they have lived for at least 20,000 years, nearly all of the San were forcibly evicted from the reserve in 1997, 2002 and 2005.
Bushmen
traditionally lived in Southern Africa in; Botswana, Namibia, South
Africa, Zambia,
Zimbabwe and Angola, with loosely related groups in Tanzania. Today
virtually none live purely by hunting and gathering due to pressures -
like the ones that Botswana’s San have encountered. For these San today,
Botswana’s strict policies means they are rarely able to hunt, and arrested and beaten when they do, and many are dependent on government handouts.
The Ogoni in Nigeria
At
times it is the by-product of economic development, not forcible
eviction, of groups that leads to their detriment. In Nigeria for
example the Ogoni community living in the Niger delta are subjected
to hazardous levels of pollution as a result of over 50 years of oil
operations in the area.
The oil has earned the country approximately $600 billion in revenue over the past five decades, but a UNEP study
found that the community living in the area had been exposed
to petroleum hydrocarbons in air, water and soil due to oil spills
which occur with “alarming regularity” and residents had been exposed to
petroleum hydrocarbons in air, water and soil.
According to the 2006 National Census approximately 832,000 people
were living in Ogoniland. The Ogoni have lived in the Niger Delta for
hundreds of years in close-knit rural communities, their livelihoods
based on agriculture and fishing - activities that put them highly
at risk considering petroleum hydrocarbons.
These can
enter people’s bodies when they breathe air, bathe, eat fish, drink
water or touch soil or sediment that
is contaminated with oil. It is estimated a clean-up operation will take
up to 30 years to return contaminated drinking water, land, creeks and
ecosystems back to full health.
Ultimately, indigenous
communities in Africa have been subjected to “economic sacrifice” over
resources - particularly land - for decades. For some the community is
“small” enough that they can be sacrificed with some international
outcry but minimal local bother. In some cases however, the community is
so large that a different form of control appears to take place.
Mauritania’s Haratin
The Haratin people of Mauritania are an indigenous community who have survived removal, forced labor and
economic deprivation at the hands of both French colonial forces and the nationalist government.
Today,
even though slavery was officially banned in 1980 and, in
2007 Mauritania is one of the countries in which slavery is the most deeply anchored. But these slaves are not
trafficked and rarely bought or sold. Instead, they inherit their status
through their mother, working for the same families generation after
generation.
Rather than being physically forced to obey their
masters,
Mauritanian slaves are psychologically bonded through centuries of
tradition. Incredibly, the Haratin people community accounts for 40-45%
of the total population of Mauritania.
The most recent estimate put the population at approximately 2.5 million.
Since a huge number of the Haratin are slaves, or emancipated slaves
struggling to re-integrate into society, they pose little threat to
an economy that has operated without almost half of its population
demanding rights to land. Their land rights are frequently violated and
as a result of the Land Reform Act of 1983, lands Haratin have been cultivating for generations under
feudalistic conditions are subject to land grabbing and can be leased at any
time to national and foreign investors.
Photographs:
San - Dietmar Temps
Dasanech - Rod Waddington
source http://mgafrica.com